A natureza de AGR e suas implicações na ordem VS: um estudo comparativo entre o português brasileiro e o português europeu

AUTOR(ES)
DATA DE PUBLICAÇÃO

2004

RESUMO

In this thesis I do a comparative study between the Brazilian Portuguese Grammar (henceforth BP) and European Portuguese Grammar (henceforth EP) concerning to the word order, more specifically, with respect to the subject order in relation to the verb in finite declarative phrases. One defends that Verb-Subject order (VS) has been lost in the first language in (in)transitive contexts due a parametric change in the marking of Null Subject Parameter caused by weakness of AGR, what implies to consider that BP is losing the characterization of a prototypical null subject language as the EP for become a non-prodrop subject language as English. In this order, in inaccusative contexts, the visible morphologically agreement between a verbal inflection and the post-verbal DP is generally not observed and this DP can also be definite or indefinite, unlike what is proposed by Bellettis approach. Futhermore, researches have assumed that the subject position with respect to the verb comes from the fact of the syntax be conditioned by discoursive constraints. Therefore, with respect to these aspects, the goals of this research are: a) to develop an analysis about VS order in both grammars, considering the implications of the AGR richness for the position of the subjects ; b) to characterize this richness from the rediscussion of some theoretical proposals; c) to show counter-evidences to the proposal of that the word order codifies the informational structure; d) to explain the possibility of the non-visible morphologically agreement between the post-verbal DP and the verbal inflection in inaccusative contexts and its implications for the type of mechanism concerned to the nominative Case assignment and e) to argue against the universality of the Definiteness Efect on the post-verbal DP. To develope this study, the analysis bases itself on Pricinciples and Parameters, and the Distributed Morphology frameworks. The sentence structures are results from introspection data. During this research, it was possible to conclude that rich AGR that licences and identifies referential null subjects in null subject languages has no correlation with rich AGR that causes the verb movement in the syntax, and that preverbal subjects occupy an A-position in BP and in EP, unlike what is generally proposed. Futhermore, the different behaviour of VS order observed among these languages receives explanatory support from the type of syntactic output generated by each grammar in particular but not from discoursive constraints. With respect to the order in which there is no visibility of morphological agreement between the verbalinflection and the post-verbal DP in inaccusative contexts, I argue that it is a pseudo- VS order, in which Definiteness Efect does not act on.

ASSUNTO(S)

linguistica inacusatividade movimento do verbo vs order, null subject parameter, inaccusativity verb movement, syntactic outputs. parâmetro do sujeito nulo outputs sintáticos ordem vs

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